Inside the audacious takeover of Nigeria’s most contested opposition party — and what it tells us about the men who want to rule a nation they couldn’t govern from within. KEHINDE ADEGOKE writes.
The crisis within the African Democratic Congress (ADC) stemmed from a high‑stakes leadership transition held in mid‑2025. At that point, a coalition of prominent opposition figures—led by former Senate President David Mark as interim National Chairman and former Osun Governor Rauf Aregbesola as National Secretary—assumed control of the party following a reported handover from longtime chairman Ralph Nwosu. This transition transformed the ADC into a platform for a broad anti-APC coalition ahead of the 2027 elections, drawing figures such as Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi.
This takeover, however, has split the party. The result has been court battles, INEC’s derecognition of the Mark-led National Working Committee (NWC), and accusations of illegitimacy. Original stakeholders and rival groups—one led by Nafiu Bala, another represented by former youth wing leaders, and a third emerging faction of disaffected local officials—view the event as an elite ‘hijack’ by recycled politicians seeking convenience over party building. These developments reveal deeper issues within Nigeria’s opposition politics: opportunism, weak institutional loyalty, and the prioritisation of personal power over ideology or grassroots development.
1. When Was the African Democratic Congress (ADC) Registered?
The ADC is not a new party. It traces its roots to 2005, when a group of concerned Nigerians, led by Ralph Nwosu, began organising around democratic deficits post-military rule. By October 2005, they had raised over 755,000 members and supporters and formalised plans for a people-focused party. At first, they conceptualised it as ADO. Membership grew to 1.35 million by January 2006. The party had a presence in all 36 states and the FCT. INEC formally registered the party in the mid-2000s. The certificate date corresponds to early post-1999 democratic parties that met stringent requirements for signatures and nationwide structure. The ADC has existed as a registered entity for nearly two decades. It remained relatively marginal before the 2025 influx of the coalition.
2. Where were David Mark, Rauf Aregbesola, Rotimi Amaechi, and Others at the Time of ADC’s Registration – and more relevantly – during the 2025 takeover?
The party’s original registration predates the involvement of current leaders. None of the Mark faction leaders was in the ADC—they were invested elsewhere:
David Mark: A retired brigadier-general with deep military-era ties (Babangida/Abacha periods), he was in the PDP for decades (Senator for Benue South since 1999, Senate President 2007–2015). He only defected to ADC in 2025 as part of the opposition realignment.
Rauf Aregbesola: Long-time APC stalwart (governor of Osun 2010–2018; Minister of Interior under Buhari 2019–2023). He defected from the APC to the ADC in 2025, alongside the coalition, after falling out of favour with his political godfather, President Bola Tinubu.
Rotimi Amaechi: Former PDP governor of Rivers (2007–2015), then APC (Minister of Transportation under Buhari). He joined the ADC coalition in 2025 after falling out with Tinubu’s camp following the 2022 APC primaries.
Atiku Abubakar is a former Vice President (1999–2007) and a serial PDP presidential candidate. He was also the 2023 flagbearer. He defected to the ADC in July 2025, becoming the coalition’s de facto presidential frontrunner. Atiku is a perennial power-seeker with multiple party switches (PDP → AC → PDP → brief APC flirtation → back to PDP → ADC). His involvement has been criticised as another platform-shopping move. This is especially true amid accusations of “taking over” ADC structures. He remains central to strategy and protests, including recent “Occupy INEC” actions.
Peter Obi acted as the 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate and former Anambra Governor under APGA. He joined the ADC in July 2025, following the LP’s internal crises. Obi is now positioned as a major coalition leader and potential 2027 presidential contender. His camp insists he won’t settle for the VP slot. His move shows ongoing party-hopping (APGA → LP → ADC). Obi actively participates in coalition events and protests alongside Mark, Atiku, and Amaechi.
Nasir El-Rufai is a former Kaduna Governor (APC, 2015–2023) and ex-FCT Minister. He left APC, briefly joined SDP, and then formally registered with ADC in November 2025. He collected his membership card in Kaduna. El-Rufai merged his Kaduna SDP structure into ADC in August 2025. He is a vocal coalition backer but is currently facing legal issues, including court appearances in 2026. He recently said he would attend the ADC national convention “in spirit.” He is seen as a recruit from a northern powerhouse.
Other Prominent Leaders in the Mark-Led Faction:
Aminu Tambuwal (former Sokoto Governor, ex-APC/PDP).
Liyel Imoke (former Cross River Governor).
Babachir Lawal (former SGF).
Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP leader, mentioned in coalition protests).
Dino Melaye (former Senator).
Emeka Ihedioha and Idris Wada (former governors).
While these figures offer a broad “who’s who” of ex-PDP, ex-APC, and ex-LP elites—deriving strength from name recognition and resources—their involvement has also caused the rise of rival ADC groups. Nafiu Bala’s group, asserting itself as the legitimate party leadership, and a newer state chairmen-led interim group representing several state chapters, appeared in April 2026. The youth wing-aligned bloc has also continued to organise separately. Compounded by INEC’s derecognition of the Mark NWC (April 2026) and ongoing court battles, these parallel structures deepen the party’s crisis.
In summary, none of these leaders was associated with the ADC at registration—they were members of other parties. Their entry in 2025 demonstrates a classic elite realignment: experienced politicians leveraging an existing party rather than creating one. This has heightened the party crisis, placing INEC and the courts at the centre of the question of whether the Mark faction (and its high-profile recruits) can stabilise the platform for 2027. The pattern underscores the transactional nature of Nigeria’s opposition politics.
Ultimately, these figures were not founders or longtime ADC members. They entered as outsiders in July 2025 following the Nwosu handover, bypassing the party’s 2-year membership rule—a move critics argue was unconstitutional and rushed.
Motivations: Saviours of Nigeria or Pursuers of Ambition?
The Mark-led faction presents its intervention as a patriotic effort to ‘rescue’ democracy from APC dominance, vowing to build a viable opposition for the 2027 elections. David Mark has publicly declared the ADC’s intention to ‘form government’ and affirmed that democracy ‘must not die on our watch.’ Yet, a critical look at their political histories suggests other motivations. Nigerians are confronted with personal and group ambition rather than selfless nation-building.
These are seasoned politicians with decades in power. Mark had 20 years in the Senate; Aregbesola and Amaechi held gubernatorial and ministerial roles in the APC/PDP eras. They only coalesced in the ADC after failing to secure dominance in their previous political platforms. The sequence—post-2023 election losses and fractures in the PDP/APC—shows a pragmatic search for a fresh “shell” party. This is not organic reform. Critics, including original ADC individuals such as Leke Abejide, describe them as “hijackers” and “peripatetic politicians” motivated by ambition, not ideology.
Why Haven’t They Formed Their Own Party? Can People Who Couldn’t Build a Party Build Nigeria?
This is the core irony. Forming a new party requires massive grassroots mobilisation and compliance with INEC regulations. That means signatures and offices in 24 or more states. It also demands sustained funding. These are efforts these figures have repeatedly avoided. Instead, they opted for the low-effort route: seizing an existing, low-profile registered party via internal handover.
Despite having the resources and networks from their PDP and APC tenures, these leaders chose not to build a party from scratch. Atiku, Mark, Aregbesola, El-Rufai, Amaechi, and their allies took a different route. Their inability or unwillingness to nurture stable structures in prior parties is noted. Those parties were distinguished by recurring defections, primary disputes, and factionalism. This pattern undermines their claims of national redemption.
If they cannot build or maintain internal party democracy, it raises doubts about their capacity to “build Nigeria.” The current multi-faction chaos, protests, and INEC delisting are telling. Nation-building demands discipline, loyalty, and institution-building. These are qualities they have sidestepped for expediency.
Political Antecedents and Controversies Surrounding Their Lives and Careers
David Mark has a military background under Babangida (he is one of the “Babangida Boys”). He served as Communications Minister and fled into exile under Abacha amid corruption allegations. Authorities traced huge sums in Ghana and the UK. As a PDP Senator and Senate President, he was exposed in the Panama Papers. The papers linked him to over 8 offshore shell companies, in violation of the Code of Conduct. He also had a 2000 London divorce that froze nearly £6 million in accounts. Mark is criticised for elitist remarks like “telephones not for poor people” and for alleged contract scandals. His long PDP loyalty ended only in 2025 for ADC.
Rauf Aregbesola, an APC loyalist with progressive credentials, implemented infrastructure projects in Osun. Controversies arose over perceived Islamization, including hijab policies and state renaming. He defected to ADC after falling out with his political godfather.
Rotimi Amaechi is known for godfather-style politics in Rivers and faced multiple corruption probes, being acquitted in some. He clashed with Wike, shifted from PDP to APC, then joined the coalition.
Together, their careers reflect transactional politics: survival in the military era, party-hopping for relevance, elite networking, and little transformative governance.
Defiance of INEC/Court Orders: Organising Convention Despite Injunctions
The Mark faction has faced direct legal pushback. A suit by Rep. Leke Abejide (FHC/ABJ/CS/1637/2025) challenges their leadership as unlawful. INEC derecognised the Mark NWC in April 2026, citing Court of Appeal orders to maintain status quo ante (following a 2022 judgment on Nwosu’s tenure). Despite this—and stakeholder advice against it—the faction proceeded with congresses (Jan 2026), membership registration drives, and a convention, notifying INEC but defying warnings.
Amid the crisis, the faction sued INEC to restore recognition and held several events. Meanwhile, a rival faction announced its own convention. Such defiance risks further judicial nullification and deepens the perception of impunity.
Peter Obi’s Political Sojourn and Party-Hopping
Obi’s trajectory exemplifies ambition-driven mobility: Anambra Governor under APGA (2006–2014, after PDP-linked legal conflicts and an impeachment reversal); later aligned with other platforms before joining the Labour Party (LP) in 2022 for his presidential run; defected to the ADC by late 2025. He has defended switches as “transactional” and principle-based, but critics note hypocrisy—he once vowed never to leave APGA. His pattern resembles the very elite opportunism he critiques, prioritising personal viability over party loyalty.
Atiku Abubakar: The Serial Defector
Atiku has changed parties at least 6 times since 1999 (PDP co-founder — AC — PDP — brief APC — PDP — ADC in 2025). A perennial presidential aspirant (1993 SDP onward), his moves are routinely tied to blocked ambitions or zoning disputes. He frames recent ADC alignment as “national renewal,” not a personal quest—but his history suggests otherwise. Like Obi and the Mark group, it constitutes a career of shopping for platforms rather than building enduring ones.
In conclusion, the David Mark-led ADC faction represents a familiar Nigerian political script: elite convergence on a borrowed platform amid 2027 fever. While it provides a possible opposition vehicle, the crisis—court defiance, factionalism, and recycled antecedents—expose it as more of a power grab than a patriotic reset.
True saviours build institutions; these figures have repeatedly chosen shortcuts. Nigerians deserve better than perpetual musical chairs among the same cast. The ongoing lawsuits and INEC’s stance will ultimately test whether this ‘war’ yields reform or more of the same.