INVESTIGATIVE ANALYSIS|OP-ED  | THE UNTOUCHABLES: How Nigeria’s Political Class Turned the Ballot Box Into a Shield Against Justice

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Democracy of the Accused: The Men Who Should Be in the Dock but Are Chasing Your Vote. KEHINDE ADEGOKE writes.

On Thursday, the Federal High Court in Abuja found Saleh Mamman, former Minister of Power, guilty on 12 counts of laundering N33.8 billion intended for the Zungeru and Mambilla Hydroelectric Power Projects—vital infrastructure meant to light Nigerian homes.

Justice James Omotosho was unsparing. He described Mamman’s conduct as “sheer greed” and said the ex-minister, rather than building a legacy of stable power supply, chose to live large at the expense of ordinary Nigerians condemned to darkness. The judge even issued an arrest warrant because Mamman — fully aware judgment day had arrived — was conspicuously absent from court.

Here is the pivotal detail: at the time the verdict was delivered, Saleh Mamman was not in hiding. Instead, he was actively on the campaign trail, having recently obtained the All Progressives Congress nomination form to contest the 2027 Taraba State governorship election.

A man convicted of stealing N33.8 billion from public power projects was simultaneously seeking Nigerians’ votes to govern a state.

This is not an anomaly. It is a pattern. And it is the pattern — not merely the conviction — that demands examination.

THE OFFICE AS SHIELD

Nigeria’s political culture has long operated on an unspoken but widely understood principle: seek office to avoid consequences. Power is not merely attractive for its privileges; it is protective armour against accountability. The calculation is rational, if deeply corrupt — a senator cannot easily be arraigned, a governor enjoys constitutional immunity, and a presidential aspirant commands enough political noise to slow any prosecution to a crawl.

Mamman’s governorship ambition aligns squarely with this template. Had he gone on to win in 2027, or even stayed a serious contender for a longer period, the political pressure on the EFCC, the judiciary, and the executive branch to “manage” the case would have mounted. Nigeria’s recent history shows that prosecutions often dissolve once a defendant attains new political relevance.

The tragedy is that he is not alone.

THE ROSTER OF THE UNTOUCHED

A survey of Nigeria’s political landscape reveals a disturbing cast of figures who, by the ordinary standards of justice in any functional democracy, would be answering charges — or serving sentences — rather than seeking mandates.

Godswill Akpabio, the Senate President, has faced persistent allegations of financial misconduct dating to his tenure as Governor of Akwa Ibom State and later as Minister of Niger Delta Affairs. The EFCC under Ibrahim Magu had, at various points, made noises about his case. The charges dissolved as his political fortunes rose. He is today the third in the constitutional line of succession to the presidency.

Nyesom Wike, the FCT Minister and former Rivers State Governor, has been the subject of multiple petitions and allegations of diverting state funds and inflating contracts during his eight years in Rivers. No charge has been filed. He remains one of the most powerful political brokers in the current administration, reportedly influencing appointments across the federation.

Rotimi Amaechi, former Governor of Rivers State and former Minister of Transportation, has faced questions over the $460 million Chinese loan obtained for rail projects, the management of the Nigerian Railway Corporation under his watch, and various state-level financial decisions. The EFCC has circled the matter for years. Amaechi recently signalled renewed political ambitions. The cases remain conveniently frozen.

Abdullahi Ganduje, current National Chairman of the APC, was captured on video in 2018 allegedly stuffing dollar bills into his babariga. The Kano State House of Assembly began impeachment proceedings. The proceedings were halted by a court order. Ganduje completed his tenure. He now chairs the ruling party.

Rochas Okorocha, former Governor of Imo State, was at one point physically stopped by EFCC officials at his property in Abuja over a disputed government-owned asset. He is a serving senator. The case has not proceeded to trial.

Joshua Dariye and Jolly Nyame — former governors of Plateau and Taraba States, respectively — were actually convicted, which places them in the unusual category of politicians who faced genuine consequences. They were subsequently pardoned by President Muhammadu Buhari in a 2022 prerogative-of-mercy exercise widely condemned by anti-corruption advocates.

The pardons were themselves a signal: in Nigeria, even a conviction is not necessarily the end of the road.

THE STRUCTURAL PROBLEM

What Mamman’s conviction and simultaneous governorship ambition expose is not simply individual recklessness. It exposes three structural failures that feed each other.

The first failure is the lack of an effective political disqualification framework. Section 182(1)(e) of the 1999 Constitution bars anyone from contesting a governorship election if convicted and sentenced to at least one year in prison without an option of fine. However, before sentencing, as in Mamman’s case, when he obtained his APC nomination form, the system allows a convicted person awaiting sentencing to present themselves to voters. This timing gap creates a significant loophole.

The second is prosecutorial paralysis by political proximity. The EFCC’s record over two decades demonstrates a consistent pattern: vigorous prosecution of the politically isolated, strategic dormancy for the politically connected. Mamman became prosecutable in part because his principal, Buhari, is no longer in office, and his political network has thinned. Had he retained strong patronage, this case might have followed the Ganduje route — open, damning, and permanently stalled.

The third is voter exhaustion and elite capture of the ballot. Nigerians who would otherwise reject a known bad actor are confronted with a choice between compromised figures and unknown quantities in a system where money, godfather structures, and security apparatus determine outcomes more reliably than public sentiment. The rational response — disengagement — only compounds the problem.

WHAT THURSDAY’S VERDICT MEANS

Justice Omotosho‘s judgment is, in isolation, a rare and commendable act of judicial courage. His decision to deliver judgment in the defendant’s absence, his refusal to allow defence counsel to “arrest the judgment” through procedural delays, and his plain-spoken condemnation of Mamman’s greed represent the judiciary at something close to its best.

But one conviction does not a system make. Mamman is in the dock today because his political cover expired. The dozens of others who have not yet faced trial are not innocent by default — they are simply better protected.

The question Thursday’s verdict raises is not whether Saleh Mamman will be sentenced on May 13. He may evade that, too, if the arrest warrant produces no result.

The deeper question is this: how many Nigerians, today, are being asked to vote for men who should be answering serious questions before a court of law?

It’s time for Nigerians to demand better. Refuse to reward those who manipulate the system for personal gain. Insist on leaders with integrity—demand transparency, accountability, and justice at the ballot box. The future of Nigeria depends on your vigilance.